Larry Downes, Senior Adjunct Fellow

Larry Downes

Larry Downes is an Internet analyst and consultant, helping clients develop business strategies in an age of constant disruption caused by information technology.

Downes is author of Unleashing the Killer App: Digital Strategies for Market Dominance (Harvard Business School Press, 1998), which was named by the Wall Street Journal as one of the five most important books ever published on business and technology.

His new book, The Laws of Disruption: Harnessing the New Forces that Govern Lie and Business in the Digital Age (Basic Books 2009) offers nine strategies for success in navigating the accident-prone intersection of innovation and the law.

From 2006-2010, Downes was a nonresident Fellow at the Stanford Law School Center for Internet and Society. Before that, he held faculty positions at the University of California-Berkeley, Northwestern University School of Law, and the University of Chicago Graduate School of Business. Downes is a Partner with the Bell-Mason Group, which works with Global 1000 corporations, providing corporate venturing methodologies, tools, techniques and support that accelerate corporate innovation and venturing programs.

He has written for a variety of publications, including USA Today, Harvard Business Review, Inc., Wired, CNet, Strategy & Leadership, CIO, The American Scholar and the Harvard Journal of Law and Technology. He was a columnist for both The Industry Standard and CIO Insight. He blogs for the Technology Liberation Front.

Content featuring Larry Downes

Downes & Manne to Participate Today on the Live Webcast "This Week in Law"

TechFreedom Senior Adjunct Fellows Larry Downes and Geoffrey Manne appear on today's live webcast of “This Week in Law," hosted by Denise Howell and also including Evan Brown. Among other tech policy topics, the gang will discuss Senator Al Franken’s attack on Facebook and Google, the European Commission's newly opened antitrust probe of Motorola Mobility, and the growing spectrum crunch.

This Week in Law is recorded live every Friday at 11:00am PT/2:00pm ET and covers topics law, technology, and public policy. Registration is not required; just follow this link at 11:00am PT/2:00pm ET to watch.

Courts, not FCC, Should Protect Free Speech against Mobile Service Shut-offs

Today, the FCC issued a Notice of Inquiry, responding to an emergency petition filed last August regarding temporary shutdown of mobile services by officers of the San Francisco Bay Area Rapid Transit (BART) district. The petition asked the FCC to issue a declaratory ruling that the shutdown violated the Communications Act. The following statement can be attributed to Larry Downes, Senior Adjunct Fellow at TechFreedom, and Berin Szoka, President of TechFreedom:

What BART did clearly violated the First Amendment, and needlessly put passengers at risk by cutting off emergency services just when they were needed most. But we need a court to say so, not the FCC.

The FCC has no authority here. The state did not order the shutdown of the network, nor does the state run the network. BART police simply turned off equipment it doesn’t own—a likely violation of its contractual obligations to the carriers. But BART did nothing that violated FCC rules governing network operators. To declare the local government an “agent” of the carriers would set an extremely dangerous precedent for an agency with a long track-record of regulatory creep.

There are other compelling reasons to use the courts and not regulators to enforce free speech rights. Regulatory agencies move far too slowly. Here, it took the FCC six months just to open an inquiry! Worse, today’s Notice of Inquiry will lead, if anything, to more muddled rulings and regulations. These may unintentionally give cover to local authorities trying to parse them for exceptions and exclusions, or at least the pretense of operating within FCC guidelines.

It would have been far better to make clear to BART, either through negotiations or the courts, that their actions were unconstitutional and dangerous. Long before today’s action, BART adopted new policies that better respect First Amendment rights and common sense. But now the regulatory wheels have creaked into motion. Who knows where they’ll take us, or when?

Downes and Szoka are available for comment at media@techfreedom.org.

White House Ignores Real Bill of Rights in Call for Privacy Regulation of Internet Businesses

The White House’s “Consumer Data Privacy in a Networked World” report outlines a revised framework for consumer privacy, proposes a "Consumer Privacy Bill of Rights," and calls on Congress to pass new legislation to regulate online businesses. The following statement can be attributed to Berin Szoka, President of TechFreedom, and Larry Downes, TechFreedom Senior Adjunct Fellow:

This Report begins and ends as constitutional sleight-of-hand. President Obama starts by reminding us of the Fourth Amendment's essential protection against "unlawful intrusion into our homes and our personal papers"—by government. But the Report recommends no reform whatsoever for outdated laws that have facilitated a dangerous expansion of electronic surveillance. That is the true threat to our privacy. The report dismisses it in a footnote.

Instead, the Report calls for extensive new regulation of Internet businesses to address little more than the growing pains of a vibrant emerging economy. "For businesses to succeed online,” President Obama asserts, “consumers must feel secure."  Yet online businesses that rely on data to deliver innovative and generally free services are the one bright spot in a sour economy. Experience has shown consumers ultimately bear the costs of regulations imposed on emerging technologies, no matter how well-intentioned.

The report is a missed opportunity. The Administration should have called for increased protections against government's privacy intrusions. Focusing on the real Bill of Rights would have respected not only the Fourth Amendment, but also the First Amendment. The Supreme Court made clear last year that the private sector's use of data is protected speech—an issue also not addressed by this Report.

Szoka and Downes are available for comment at media@techfreedom.org. 

Complete Overhaul of FCC Lifeline Program Is Not Enough

TechFreedom's Larry Downes explains the problems with the Lifeline program on WebProNews. Although good intentions pushed its genesis, since there was no cap and has been no audit, anyone who was eligible applied for service, and as a result, the program grew but had no checks and balances.

FCC Wants $25 Million for Cell Phone Subsidy Program 'Fraught with Fraud'

TechFreedom's Larry Downes was quoted in US News & World Report, explaining the problems with Lifeline and a proposed pilot program to extend access into broadband: 

"It started out with, 'Every household should have a dialtone, so you should call in an emergency,'" says Larry Downes of the technology think tank Tech Freedom. "Well, then it became, 'They should have basic phone service. They should have a basic cellphone service.' They say it's become a basic staple of life. You can't argue with that, but your electric bill doesn't charge you a tax to make sure poor people have electricity."

Because the program has no cap, the fees passed on to consumers are simply raised each year if more people enroll, which has been the case over the last couple of years. In Louisiana, the number of Lifeline customers grew from 38,000 in 2008 to 626,000 in 2011, an increase of 1,565 percent.

Downes charges that the system has been "fraught with fraud."

"People have been ripping this thing off left and right," he says. And the FCC knows it, too.

Will Lifeline Guarantee High-speed Internet Access?

TechFreedom's Larry Downes was recently quoted in the LA Times on a new pilot program by Federal Communications Commission to test the viability of extending the current Lifeline program into broadband:

"While we share the goal of making broadband Internet available to all Americans, we're troubled by the Commission’s continued determination to regulate without authority from Congress." 

He added that he thinks it is imprudent to spend money on a pilot before it's clear how much will actually be saved from the reforms.

FCC Lifeline Reform a Good Start but Storm Clouds Loom

Today, the FCC began the long-overdue process of reforming the Lifeline and Link-Up America programs, which subsidize basic phone service for low-income Americans. The following statement can be attributed to Larry Downes, Senior Adjunct Fellow at TechFreedom:

The FCC has taken positive steps today toward reform of the bloated and outdated Lifeline and Link-Up programs. As conceived by Congress, these programs subsidize basic telephone service for low income Americans. But even as basic communications costs continue to decline, the fund has grown over 1,000% in the last fifteen years. It’s no surprise, then, that the Lifeline and Link-Up programs are universally acknowledged to be plagued with waste, fraud and abuse. Reform is long overdue.

The FCC today also announced a pilot program to use projected savings from today’s reforms to offer broadband Internet access to low-income families. While we share the goal of making broadband Internet available to all Americans, we're troubled by the Commission’s continued determination to regulate without authority from Congress.

The majority’s reliance on Section 706 of the Communications Act, which the FCC also used to ground its now-challenged 2010 Open Internet order, is deeply problematic. Section 706 encourages the agency to remove regulatory oversight of broadband markets. It is not a blank check for the FCC to pursue any agenda it thinks best, no matter how well-intentioned.

We agree with FCC Commissioner Robert McDowell that Section 706 doesn’t authorize the FCC to extend its own authority—and that it is imprudent to spend money on a pilot before it’s clear how much will actually be saved from today’s important reforms.

Downes is available for comment at media@techfreedom.org.

Who Really Stopped SOPA, and Why?

I split my time these days between Silicon Valley and Capitol Hill, and last week was a very good week to be in Washington. In the fall, I witnessed the beginnings of a unique revolt over proposed legislation that would have dramatically changed the Internet’s business landscape. Last week, that revolt achieved a stunning victory, sending Congress into a tailspin of retreat from bills that seemed certain, only months ago, to pass with little notice or resistance.

The two bills were the Senate’s Protect IP Act and the House’s Stop Online Piracy Act, or #PIPA and #SOPA as they became known on Twitter, where millions of Tweets condemned them and their supporters in and out of Congress. Heavily backed by D.C. favorites including the U.S. Chamber of Commerce and the music and motion picture industries, the legislation was superficially aimed at combating the scourge of foreign websites selling unlicensed or counterfeit American goods to U.S. consumers outside the legal reach of criminal and civil enforcement.

But to Internet users, the proposed legislation and the process by which it was steamrolled through a supine Congress took on mythic attributes. By the end of last week the firefight had morphed into a battle of old economy vs. new, of business as usual in Washington vs. the organized chaos of online life, of K Street lobbyists vs. ordinary users.

The Internet was having its Howard Beale moment—users were mad as hell, and they weren’t going to take it anymore. The legislation needed to be stopped, by any means necessary. PIPA and SOPA became nothing less than a referendum on who controlled the evolution of digital life. And amidst the smoke on noise on the field, it was hard to tell who was really directing the troops.

The new politics of Silicon Valley: Revenge of the nerds

It was a dangerous year for innovation. Governments around the world became increasingly aware that digital technology could disrupt the political and economic status quo.

Lawmakers and lobbyists were calling for new laws to curb innovations that challenged traditional law enforcement and old ways of doing business. But the laws would have stifled innovation far beyond their intended goals. Technology industry leaders sounded the alarm, but their voices went largely unheard in the corridors of power.

But one proposal gave birth to an organized resistance. Top government officials tried to force industry to re-engineer key technologies to dramatically expand government intervention and oversight, allowing federal law enforcement agents to manipulate core innovations central to fast-growing but still immature new products and services.

A small group of entrepreneurs, activists, writers and lawyers banded together to rally the technology community in opposition. A surprising coalition of Republican and Democratic lawmakers emerged to support the freedom fighters, many considered otherwise too liberal or too conservative to have common cause. Together, they fought back the proposal and, perhaps, saved a generation of future technological innovation.

The year was 1993, and the fight was over technology called the Clipper Chip, which the National Security Agency tried to force cell phone manufacturers to include in all consumer phones. Clipper was a government-designed chipset with built-in encryption developed by the NSA. One of its features, however, was a "key escrow" that gave the government a permanent backdoor to decrypt any conversation.

It was a terrible, terrible idea.

And the organization that formed to fight the Clipper Chip was the Electronic Frontier Foundation. In the end, its creation was the only affect the Clipper Chip actually had.

TechFreedom Statement on AT&T/T-Mobile Merger Collapse

Today, AT&T announced they had abandoned their planned acquisition of T-Mobile after the DOJ sued to block the deal and the FCC published a sharply critical report. The following statement can be attributed to TechFreedom Fellows Larry Downes, Geoffrey Manne and Berin Szoka:

Nearly two years ago, the Obama FCC declared a spectrum crisis. But Congress has refused to authorize the agency to reallocate underused spectrum from television broadcasters and government agencies—which would take years anyway.

The AT&T/T-Mobile merger would have eased this crisis and accelerated the deployment of next-generation 4G networks. Yet the government killed the deal based on formalistic and outdated measures of market concentration—even though the FCC's own data show dynamic competition, falling prices, and new entry. The disconnect is jarring.

Those celebrating the deal's collapse will wake up to a sober reality: There is no Plan B for more spectrum. All the hand-wringing about "preserving" competition has only denied consumers a strong 4G LTE competitor to compete with Verizon—and slammed the brakes on continued growth of the mobile marketplace.

Unfortunately, this is just part of a broader pattern of regulators attempting to engineer technology markets they don’t understand. The letter sent today by the Senate Antitrust Subcommittee urging the Department of Justice to investigate Google's business practices relies on similar contortions of market definition to conclude that the search market is not competitive. In both cases, regulators are applying 1960s economics to 21st century markets.

Ultimately, it’s consumers who will lose from such central planning.

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